FINANCE
California Crypto Primary Turns Sherman’s Mailers Into a Test
The California crypto primary in CA-32 has moved from policy argument to campaign weapon, after anti-crypto mailers tied to Rep. Brad Sherman, the Democratic U.S. representative for California’s 32nd District, put Bitcoin imagery and Donald Trump at the center of a local House race. The immediate target is Jake Levine, a Democratic challenger and former National Security Council official, but the broader test is whether anti-crypto politics can still move Democratic primary voters when the industry has become one of Washington’s richest campaign forces.
Robert Leshner, Superstate’s chief executive, amplified screenshots of three mailers on May 26 and argued that Sherman was using crypto as a scare line even before any crypto-focused political action committee had entered the race. The certified ballot shows Levine, Sherman and seven other candidates competing in the June 2 primary, giving the fight a crowded local setting for a national money argument.
Crypto Lands in a Local Primary
The mailers matter because they convert a familiar Washington dispute into a doorstep message. Screenshots circulated by Leshner on X show campaign pieces that tie crypto to Trump, corruption and outside money. One uses the phrase Say NO to crypto. Another places the industry next to pro-Sherman endorsements from unions, environmental groups and Democratic organizations.
California’s top-two primary system gives the attack extra weight. Voters in the district are not choosing a party nominee in the usual closed sense. They are deciding which two candidates advance, and California’s certified candidate list names Democrats Chris Ahuja, Dory Benami, Levine, Marena Lin, Josh Sautter, Sherman and Anna Wilding, plus Republican Larry Thompson and no-party-preference candidate Doug Smith.
That crowded field is why a narrow attack can have a large effect. A message that pulls even a small slice of high-information Democratic voters toward the incumbent may be enough to protect him from an unusually well-funded challenger. It also gives Sherman a way to talk about Trump and money without making the whole race about age, tenure or generational turnover in the House.
Sherman’s Anti-Crypto Record Gives the Attack Its Weight
Sherman’s mailers did not come from nowhere. He has spent years as one of the clearest crypto skeptics on the House Financial Services Committee, where he is a senior Democrat and ranking member on the Capital Markets Subcommittee. In June, his written testimony to the committee proposed a No Federal Funds in Crypto Act and set out the argument in blunt terms.
Cryptocurrencies are an inherently volatile and pose significant financial risks.
Sherman wrote that line in Sherman’s written crypto testimony, where he also argued that federal holdings of digital assets raise taxpayer stewardship concerns and should be liquidated within 180 days if acquired through seizure or other means. The grammar is clumsy. The politics are not. He has a documented record that lets him present the mailers as a continuation of his work, rather than an opportunistic late hit.
Crypto advocates hear the same record differently. To them, Sherman is a symbol of the Gary Gensler era at the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC, the Wall Street regulator), when enforcement cases shaped much of federal crypto policy. That is why Leshner’s post spread quickly. It gave the industry a familiar villain and a district where a challenger had enough money to make the race interesting.
The Money Picture Cuts Both Ways
The Federal Election Commission (FEC, the federal campaign finance regulator) shows a race with two very different forms of strength. Sherman’s current FEC summary lists $4.23 million in ending cash on hand through May 13. Levine’s FEC candidate file lists $765,560.68 in ending cash on hand, but also $2.35 million in total receipts since July 2025.
| Candidate | Ballot Label | FEC Status | Money Signal | Crypto Role in the Race |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Brad Sherman | United States Congressman/Dad | Incumbent Democrat | $4.23 million cash on hand as of May 13 | Using anti-crypto messaging as part of the campaign close |
| Jake Levine | National Security Official | Democratic challenger | $2.35 million raised and $765,561 cash on hand as of May 13 | Supported by some crypto-linked individuals, with no crypto PAC spending shown by trackers |
- $4.23 million – Sherman’s ending cash on hand in his FEC summary.
- $765,561 – Levine’s ending cash on hand in his FEC summary.
- $2.35 million – Levine’s total receipts through the same FEC update.
- $2.12 million – Sherman’s total receipts for the cycle through May 13.
The table points to the tension in Sherman’s argument. He has the larger reserve. Levine has shown enough fundraising power to look like a live challenger. Crypto, then, is less about whether a super PAC has already flooded the district and more about whether voters believe the money could arrive next.
The Donor Gap Sherman Wants Voters to Feel
The most useful number for Sherman is not a FEC total. It is the feeling that crypto money is always waiting offstage. Fairshake, the pro-crypto super PAC (political action committee, a vehicle for campaign money), finished 2025 with $191.0 million in closing cash on hand in an FEC table. That national pile gives any anti-crypto incumbent a simple warning to voters: the industry can pick a race and bury it in outside spending.
Yet the local data are thinner than the mailers suggest. The CA-32 crypto money tracker says zero crypto-focused PAC spending had been made in this specific election. It does list direct support to Levine from people tied to Telcoin, Paradigm, Superstate, Ripple, Solana Labs and Union Square Ventures. Those contributions are politically useful for Sherman, but they are not the same as a district-wide super PAC barrage.
That distinction is the whole knife edge of the race. Sherman can tell voters that the industry is trying to buy influence. Levine can answer that the incumbent is attacking a ghost to avoid a generational challenge. Both messages have some evidence behind them, and both leave out a piece of the story.
- Direct donor support gives Sherman names and dollar figures to put in mail.
- No PAC spending gives Levine a clean rebuttal against claims of an outside takeover.
- National crypto cash keeps the threat credible even if the district has not yet seen it.
Washington Made the Local Fight Easier to Nationalize
The timing helps Sherman. One week before the mailers drew attention, Trump signed a White House fintech order directing federal regulators to review rules and supervisory practices that may block fintech firms, including digital-asset businesses, from financial services. For crypto supporters, the order showed a policy door opening. For Sherman, it made the Trump link visible.
That is why the CA-32 race now sits inside a much larger regulatory argument. Federal banking access, trust charters, stablecoins and Bitcoin funds have become election language, not just committee language. Thunder Tiger Europe Media recently covered the Trump banking access order, a policy fight that gives Sherman’s mailers their national backdrop.
The Democratic split is just as important. Senator Elizabeth Warren, the Massachusetts Democrat, has pushed regulators for records on crypto trust charters, while pro-crypto Democrats argue that the party risks handing a fast-growing donor and voter community to Republicans. That tension runs through Senator Elizabeth Warren’s crypto trust charter fight and now through a Los Angeles-area House primary.
Levine is not running a Bitcoin campaign. His site presents him as a third-generation Angeleno, clean-energy advocate, national security professional and business finance leader. But once Sherman made crypto a mail-box issue, Levine no longer controlled whether the race was local or national. The industry did not need to buy the ad space to become the subject of the ad.
The June 2 Ballot Is a Message Test
The immediate question is whether the mailers help Sherman hold older, institutional Democratic voters who already trust him on finance and foreign policy. A crypto attack line can bundle Trump, corruption, speculation and outside money into one image. That is useful in a primary where voters may know little about the challengers beyond what arrives in the mail.
There is a risk for Sherman, too. By making crypto so visible, he may have invited the exact donor attention that Leshner called for. The industry has spent the last two cycles proving that it responds to threats with checks, scorecards and late spending. Even if no crypto-focused PAC enters before voting ends, the district may become a case study for how incumbents talk about digital assets in safely Democratic seats.
If the attack works, other crypto skeptics will copy it in primaries where Trump remains toxic and industry money looks alien to local voters. If it backfires, Sherman may have shown pro-crypto donors where a small district fight can become a national warning shot.
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